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THE 

JUGOSLAV- 
ITALIAN 
QUESTION 

BY 
JOSEPH GORICAR 

1919 



I venture to express the opinion 
that unless full justice is accorded 
to the Jugoslavs, and the Balkan 
is left to the Balkan peoples, there 
will never be a durable peace in 
that part of the world; and that 
the next war will be fought by the 
Jugoslavs and all the peoples in- 
terested in a free access to the 
Adriatic sea against their exclu- 
sion therefrom. 



The Jugoslav Information Bureau 

82 CORTLANDT STREET 
NEW YORK, N. Y. 



n; of D* 

ktH 23 ]9]3 



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A SKETCH OF AUTHOR'S 
BIOGRAPHY 



Dr. Goricar has been for over 14 years 
in the diplomatic service of Austria-Hun- 
gary and has been for two years in the 
Courts of Vienna. He was employed in 
the following consular posts: Paris, Jassy, 
Constantza, Bucharest, Berlin, Odessa, 
Belgrade, Nish, Pittsburgh, Denver, San 
Francisco- and again in Berlin. 

He tendered his resignation from Rome 
in December, 1914, which was accepted 
by Emperor Jefeeph in January, 1915. He 
came to America as immigrant in Feb- 
ruary, 1915, and has taken out his first 
papers on the 20th of March, 1915, in 
Chicago. 

Dr. Goricar left the diplomatic service 
of Austria-Hungary because of his con- 
flict with the Foreign Office in regard to 
the war. Being a Slav, he has strongly 
opposed making v/ar on the Slavs, and 
was consequently accused by Count 
Berchtold, the Foreign Minister, of being 
a Russophile. He has asked to be placed 
before a Court Martial, but was refused 
justice on the ground that his trial would 
make too much unpleasant stir because 
he was too well known in many coun- 
tries. At the first opportunity, he left 
Berlin, his last post and has ever since 
devoted nearly all his time to the cause 
of the Allies, giving much important in- 
formation to the Russian and French em- 



bassies in Rome, in 1914, and during his 
stay in America to the French Embassy 
in Washington; also helping to disclose 
the Pan- German conspiracy in America 
1915 and 1916, having been on the staff 
of the Providence Journal in Providence, 
R. I. 

With the exception of the last year, 
1917, v/hen he was employed as clerk and 
later as laborer in the Carnegie Steel 
Mills, in Pittsburg, Pa., he has given all 
his time and thoughts to the Allies, mak- 
ing his own living, and although offered 
recompense for his services, has never 
taken a single cent. He was offered a po- 
sition in the diplomatic ser—'ce of two 
allied powers. 



The Jugoslav-Italian 
Question 

By JOSEPH GORICAR. 



Before speaking of how the trouble- 
some Jugoslav question should be solved 
to bring peace in the southern part of the 
former empire of Austria-Hungary and in 
the Balkans, I must say first what should 
not be done. 

The United States of America and her 
Allies must take as the guiding principle 
at the peace conference the axiom: *'The 
Balkans to the B&lkanians"; that is, the 
whole Balkan Peninsula, which is con- 
sidered by the greatest authorities in 
geography, as extending from the Moun- 
tain crest of the Julian Alps east of the 
Soca (Isonzo) River to the mouth of the 
Danube, embracing all the territory 
between the Adriatic and the Black Sea, 
bounded on the north by the River Drava 
and the Danube, — should be left to the 
peoples who inhabit it. 

As a logical consequence of the above, 
it follows that the United States and 
her Allies must establish as another 
axiom that no great power shall be per- 
mitted to annex any of the territories 
included in the Balkan peninsula, especially 
not a power which is neither by race nor 
religion related to any of the peoples of 



that geografic unity. As Russia, Austria- 
Hungary and Germeny are definitely out 
of the long protracted diplomatic Balkan 
struggle, it follows naturally that this 
must apply also and especially to Italy 
which is neither by race nor religion war- 
ranted to annex any of the territories on 
the eastern shores of the Adriatic. 

According to the census of December 
31st, 1910, the lands which Italy claims 
as "Italia Irredenta" on the eastern 
shores of the Adriatic are overwhelming- 
ly Jugoslav with the exception of the so- 
called "Littoral." But even in the "Lit- 
toral" there is a Slav majority. 

In the "Littoral" (comprising as it 
does the counties of Gorica-Gradiska, 
Trieste and Istria) there are 437,385 Jugo- 
'slavs as against an Italian population of 
356,495. 

Specifying the above figures we find 
there are in the counties of Gorica- 
Gradiska 154,750 Jugoslavs as opposed to 
90,119 Italians. 

In Istria there are 220,232 Jugoslavs as 
against an Italian population of 145,525. 

In Trieste there are 60,074 Jugoslavs as 
against an Italian majority of 118,959. ^ 

In the city of Gorica there are 10,792 
Slovenes as against 14,812 Italians. 

The Austro - Hungarian census does 
not take account of the mother-tongue or 
"native tongue" but makes its calcula- 
tions only on the basis of the "language 
of daily intercourse." Every census is 
therefore, calculated to underrate the 
Slovenes. The Austrian ballot, which is 
the most modern voting system in exis- 
tence, is a most striking proof of the 



above contention, correcting the figures in 
favor of the Slovenes both in Gorica and 
Triest. 

In the province of Carinthia, whose 
Southern part is Slovene, there are no 
Italians. 

In Carniola there were only 369 Italians 
as against a Slovene population of 490,978. 
In Croatia, only the town of Rieka 
(Fiume) has, according to the same cen- 
sus, an Italian population of 28,678 as 
against a Croat population of 18,128; these 
figures having been compiled by the local 
Italian Municipal Board. 

In other towns of the Croatian "Lit- 
toral" there is absolutely no Italian popu- 
lation to speak of. 

As for Dalmatia the figures of the above 
census are as follows: 

Serbo-Croats 610,669 

Other Slavs about 2,000 

As against an Italian popula- 
tion of ._ 18,028 

Yet, in spite of these facts Italy claims 
not only the whole of the Austrian ''Lit- 
toral" (Gorica-Gradiska, Trieste, Istria) 
but also a part of Carinthia and a great 
part of Carniola, a part of Croatia and 
the greater part of Dalmatia and also the 
whole Dalmatian Archipelago or the 
Thousand Islands of Dalmatia. 

These are the facts as far as the eth- 
nology of these regions is concerned. 

Has Italy historically and culturally 
better rights to these regions or terri- 
tories claimed by her as "Italia Irre- 
denta?" 

In the first place, it must be said that 
according to the Wilson Doctrine his- 

7 



torical rights cannot be considered. Pres- 
ident Wilson himself has declared in one 
of his latest peace utterances, that the 
boundary line between Italy and the new- 
ly to be created Jugoslavia will be drawn 
along clearly recognizable ethnographic 
lines. If historical rights would come 
into operation, the Italia Irredenta would 
have to be claimed by Austria, Hungary, 
Turkey, Croatia and Serbia as well, as in 
the long run of the last 2,000 years this 
area was the most coveted prize of 
European and Asiatic conquerors and 
colonial exploiters (conquistadores). In 
the early part of history these regions 
belonged partly to the great Roman Em- 
pire. The first recorded inhabitants were 
the Illyrians, In the middle of the 7th 
Century the Slavs settled in these coun- 
tries and have been ever since in posses- 
sion of them, although in the course of 
time they passed under the domination of 
different conquerors. 

For six centuries, these regions were 
'forming part of the Byzantine Empire, 
from 530 to 1102 A. D. But the Byzant- 
ine rule was only a nominal one. Con- 
stantine Porphyrogenete states in his book 
"De Administrando Imperio" that the Dal- 
matians in 887 A. D. destroyed a fleet 
dispatched against them by Venice, and 
for a century exacted tribute from the 
"Queen of the Adriatic." 

Moreover, the Jugoslavs have occupied 
in their migration the plains of Venice 
up to the Tagliamento and even to this 
day there are some 40,000 Slovenes living 
in the Province of Venetia. Therefore 
the Slavs would have just as much of a 

8 



historical claim to Venetian territory 
from Italy. 

If Italy bases her claims on the his- 
torical rights as derived from the Roman 
Empire, then she will have to claim, in 
addition to it, the greater part of Western 
and Middle Europe. 

Admitting for a moment, that the theory 
of historical rights can be applied in the 
present case — contrary to all proclama- 
tions of President Wilson — has Italy a 
better chance to base her claims to the 
above mentioned Jugoslav territory on the 
fact of the Venetian domination? 

The Republic of Venice has always 
coveted the Eastern shores of the Adri- 
atic. Throughout the middle ages, she 
was making attempts to conquer those 
Slav lands. The Venetian domination was 
an episode in the history of the Jugoslavs 
just as was the Turkish domination. Also 
the Turks could on the basis of historical 
rights make similar claims to the Italians. 

Italy, being a m^odern creation, never 
owned a particle of any of the lands des- 
cribed as Italia Irrendenta, and least of 
all not a particle of the lands inhabited 
for thirteen centuries by the Jugoslavs. 

The best proof, that these Jugoslav 
lands must be taken as a national entity 
of their own was given by Napoleon the 
Great who after the Peace of Schoen- 
brunn founded the "pays Illyriens" — 
(Illyria) out of the provinces claimed 
now by Italy, that is Carniola, Carinthia, 
(the Southern Slav part), Croatia, Triest, 
Gorica-Gradiska, Dalmatia, Istria, and the 
Republic of Ragusa. 



This "Terre-Irredente" Napoleon did not 
include with Italy, 

Can Italy claim possession of these 
lands on the basis of cultural rights? — 
Never. The mere fact that some coast 
localities of Dalmatia have an "Italian 
character" does not prove anything. That 
the architecture of buildings looks like 
Italian, does not give any right for an- 
nexation of the whole territories inhabited 
by peoples of Slav race. There was a time 
when the whole architecture of New Eng- 
land was Greek. Could the Greeks claim 
possession of the New England states on 
that ground? 

The culture in these lands is Slav and 
purely Slav. This Western Branch of the 
great Slav race, living on the crossroads 
of three cultures, Latin, German and Slav, 
have developed a Slav culture of their own. 

Even on religious grounds, Italy can 
mske no claims to these lands. Though 
the Slovenes and Croats are Koman 
Catholics, it must nevertheless not be 
forgotten that their conversion to Christ- 
ianity was achieved not by Italian mis- 
sionaries but by the two great Slav 
apostles, Cyril and Methodius in the 9th 
Century, who translated for the Slavs the 
Bible and the first Liturgy into the old 
Slav (Bulgarian) tongue. 

Their first disciple on the Adriatic shores 
was Clement. This Liturgy, under the 
name of "Glagolica," is still preserved to 
the present time. It has a special script 
which has nothing to do with the Latin 
or Gothic script. 

Viewed from all angles, geographic, 
ethnographic, historical, cultural, religious, 

10 



the l^nds, coveted by Italy, are purely 
Jugoslav, not excepting the Littoral where 
the Jugoslavs are in majority. 

It follows, therefore, that the Itahan 
claims to annexation of these lands must 
be by the peace conference emphaticaiiy 
repudiated and Italy excluded from the 
mainland of the Balkan peninsu a. 

Fully conscious, that these lands are 
Slav and have in the future to form an 
absolutely independent unity m the 
family of nations, the Jugoslavs (Slovenes, 
Croats and Serbs of the Dual Monarchy) 
started to struggle for unificEticn ana in- 
dependence more than two generations ago 
under the leadership of the imniortal 
Croatian patriot and greatest Christian 
orator of the 19th century, Bishop Stross- 
mayer. The most momentous event m this 
struggle for independence was the Resolu- 
tion of Hieka (Fiume) of October 4, 1905, 
adopting the principle that "every nation 
has the right to decide its own dfstiny. 
The soul of this movement was the Dal- 
matian patriot, Franjo Supilo. 

The Fiume platform was adopted two 
months later at Zadar (Zara), Dalmatia, 
by the Serbian deputies, and was con- 
sequently adopted as the platform tor all 
the Jugoslavs, Slovenes, Croats and Serbs. 
The resolution aimed at the unification 
of all the Southern Slavs in one compact 
national entity. It became one of the 
main causes for the Austrian and Hun- 
garian statesmen, to go into war against 
Serbia in order to destroy by the sword 
what through 'peaceful' means they were 
unable to prevent. 

The proofs for this my contention, 1 

11 



have compiled in a yet unpublished 
manuscript. 

It was the framers of the Fiume 
Resolution, Franjo Supilo and others, 
who managed to escape at the beginning 
of the World War from Austria-Hungary, 
that were to devote all their energies to 
make the Allied Nations and their states- 
men understand a just solution of the 
Jugoslav problem. 

I must admit that one of the reasons 
why this great idea has not met with 
more enthusiastic response among the 
great masses of immigrants of Jugoslav 
birth in the United States of America, is 
very largely due to the fear of persecu- 
tion by Austria which through its agents 
and through Ambassador Dumba and 
numerous consuls has constantly threat- 
ened the immigrants to punish their 
families at home, confiscate their prop- 
erty, and in many other ways which are 
well known to the American authorities. 

The adoption of the Corfu Declaration, 
in the middle of the year 1917, which 
meant the substitution of the Kara- 
georgevich Dynasty for the Habsburgs, 
further embroiled the situation. The Jugo- 
slavs of Austria-Hungary, especially the 
Slovenes, who are intellectually and cul- 
turally of higher standing, and are of 
pacific and most democratic nature, have 
naturally balked at embracing the above 
Jugoslav idea and therefore have formed 
a program of their own at the convention 
in Chicago in August 11, 1917, aiming at 
the unification of all the Southern Slavs 
including Bulgars, under a Republican 
form of Government. 

12 



At a second convention in the middle 
of September, 1918, at Springfield, Illi- 
nois, of the Slovenian National Benevolent 
Society, of Chicago, which numbers 18,000 
members and was represented there 
through 102 delegates, it was unanimously 
voted for a Jugoslav Republic. 

As for myself, I have advocated these 
ideas as a most suitable platform for the 
unification of the Jugoslavs from the be- 
ginning of my second coming to America, 
that is since February, 1915. I was al- 
ways for a strong Federal State of all the 
Jugoslavs including the Bulgars, and as 
embracing all the territories inhabited by 
them, between the Adriatic and the Black 
Sea, with a common Diplomacy, Army and 
Navy, and Customs. 

As a cardinal point of the relations 
among these Slav sister-nations, I pointed 
out the following: 

The place of every Slav nation inside 
the Slav family must be the following: 
"A Daughter in her mother's house, a 
mistress in her own" — 

Not being a politician and never having 
associated with any of the contending 
groups among the Jugoslavs, I would re- 
commend the following solution of the 
Jugoslav question: 

1. — Withdrawal of all Italian troops 
from all the territories inhabited by 
Jugoslavs. 

2.^ — The opening of communication 
between the different groups existing in 
America, working for the liberation of 
their kinsmen in the old country, and the 
de facto Jugoslav Government of Zagreb. 
This would clarify at once the situation. 

13 



3. — Inasmuch as three-fourths of the 
Austrian Jugoslavs have at some time 
or other been in the United States and 
have full confidence in the principles and 
doctrines of the Republican form of 
Government, an International Commission 
under the leadership of the United States 
should be formed at once and should 
proceed to the territories in dispute 
between Italians and Jugoslavs to prepare 
the preliminary work for the taking of 
the plebiscite. 

4. — The taking of a plebiscite under 
American, British and French supervsion 
with the assistance of Italian and Jugo- 
slav delegates. 

Being, through my long association 
with the affairs of Austria-Hungary and 
the Balkans, thoroughly conversant with 
the problems confronting the Allies, and 
having clearly foreseen many a great 
event in this World War, I venture to 
express the opinion that unless full jus- 
tice is accorded to the Jugoslavs and the 
Balkan is left to the Balkan peoples, 
there never will be a durable peace in 
that part of the world; and that the next 
war will be fought by the Jugoslavs and 
all the peoples interested in a free access 
to the Adriatic sea against their exclusion 
therefrom. 

Italy entered the war avowedly for 
principles of humanity. Now she turns 
back to the Pact of London of 1915, 
which was extracted from Russia and her 
Allies in the hour of great stress. It 
must not be forgotten that Italy sided 
with the Allies because the latter have 

14 



promised her a greater territorial ex- 
pansion. It is not to safeguard herself 
against possible future invasion, which 
a contented Jugoslavia will never strive 
for, but for purely imperialistc aims that 
Itsly annexes to-day 1,000,000 Jugoslavs. 
She annexes Carniola for the purpose 
of obtaining possession of the mercury 
mines of Idria, the greatest in the 
world; of the grottos and caverns of Po- 
stojna (Adelsberg), the world's greatest 
subterranean marvels, and her great 
forest areas; she annexes the Thousand 
Isles of Dalmatia, and Dalmatia herself 
for her famous fisheries and the scenic 
beauty of the Adriatic coast. She pro- 
poses to make of the Adriatic an Italian 
Lake in the hope that according to the 
principles established by Captain Mahan 
in his famous work on Sea Power, she 
will control by annexing the eastern 
shores of the Adriatic, also their "hin- 
terland." I am more than convinced 
at this time that, in order to upset the 
danger that is threatening the Jugoslavs 
from this new direction, a new constella- 
tion of powers will soon form itself 
nolens volens. 

The Jugoslavs will have to ally them- 
selves with the peoples living to the 
north that is, the Magyars and Germans. 
For the Germans and Magyars it will be 
an easy matter to play the old game of 
'divide et impera' among the Jugoslavs. 
Moreover Italy is economically a back- 
ward country. It will mean absolute 
economic ruin to the Jugoslavs of the an- 
nexed territories, if Italy is there to stay. 
Italy has had more than disastrous ex- 

15 



Ill 

015 809 634 1 ^ 

perience in trying zo estaonsn nerseii m 
Eryth^ea and Tripoli. 

it is to the supreme interest of the 
Italian people that a third attempt at 
expansion, this time on the volcanic soil 
of the Balkans, be prevented ere it_ is 
too late. The group of men advocating 
the annexation of the Jugoslav shores of 
the Adriatic is a small one. They are the 
imperialistic anl militaristic group of Italy 
wishing to show their nation the fruits of 
a military victory. 

But was the Italian victory on the Piave 
a military one or was it not the Wilson 
doctrine that was victorious in the ranks 
of the Austro-Hungarian Army? 

It must not be forgotten that Italy 
after her disastrous defeat by the 
Austrian Army called the Jugoslav leaders 
to Rome in April, 1918, and that an un- 
derstanding was reached there which com- 
pletely overthrew the Pact of London. 
Moreover when the Jugoslavs heard of 
the Wilson principle that the frontier 
between Italy and the newly to be erected 
Jugoslavia will be drawn along clearly 
recognizable ethnographical lines, they 
were fi aPy convinced that justice would 
be done enough to prevent the forcible 
seizure of their more than thirteen hun- 
dred years old seats by a new conqueror. 

It would be a serious blow to interna- 
tional moral as represented by the Allies 
if President Wilson's word would be over- 
ruled by imperialistic tendencies of the 
allies of the United States of America. 



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